Elias Boudinot Medallion
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Elias Boudinot Medallion
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Medallion Obverse: Elias Boudinot of New Jersey was elected President of the United States, in Congress Assembled on November 4, 1782 serving until November 2, 1783. Boudinot was born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania on May 2nd 1740 and died in Burlington, New Jersey October 24th, 1821. As President, Boudinot and Congress expended a great deal of time and consideration to ending the war favorably with Great Britain. Former President and now Peace Commissioner John Jay took the lead in Paris by persuading Benjamin Franklin and John Adams to ignore the United States, in Congress Assembled’s resolution instructing France to be included in the peace treaty negotiations. Delegate James Madison, who had voted for the instruction to include France, upon learning of Jay’s strategy, wrote: "In this business Jay has taken the lead, and proceeded to a length of which you can form little idea. Adams has followed with cordiality. Franklin has been dragged into it." Jay’s violation of these instructions displeased a large majority of the United States, in Congress Assembled but President Boudinot, once realizing the outcome, sided with John Jay. On a sizzling June Sunday afternoon several hundred soldiers mutinied and marched from Lancaster to Philadelphia. These men were determined to compel Congress and the Supreme Council of Pennsylvania to meet their demands of back pay, food and desperately needed supplies. Recruits from the barracks in Philadelphia reinforced the mutineers; as they surrounded the Independence Hall. Major General St. Clair and Alexander Hamilton, by order of Congress, met with the mutinous soldiers. They were able to reason with the men enabling President Boudinot and the Congressional members to pass through the files of the jeering and threatening mutineers without being molested. The Emergency Committee chaired by Alexander Hamilton sought the State Executive Council to insure the Government of the United States military protection so Congress could convene the following day. Elias Boudinot, however, received no pledge of protection by the Pennsylvania militia and ordered an adjournment of the United States in Congress Assembled on June 24th to Princeton, New Jersey. This was the last time the Confederation Congress would convene in Pennsylvania. Troubles ensued with money and the military throughout the rest of President Boudinot’s term. On the day preceding the President and Congress dismissing the army, General Washington issued his farewell orders, in the most endearing language. With a great strain on the federal government's treasury Congress managed four months wages towards, on average, four years of back pay due the army. Congressional payment to the troops, though a trifling 10% of the monies due, enabled these brave veterans to peacefully disburse into all 13 states. The term of President Boudinot came to an end a month later after he addressed a rash of postal thefts and executing a final resolution calling on he States to improve their Delegate attendance.
Born in a Tavern and ending in a
Tavern The United States Founding governments
occupied 11 different capitol buildings experienced 15 years of challenges that
included war,
hyper-inflation, a failed constitution, judicial corruption, armed citizen and
U.S. Army rebellion.
Medallion Reverse: Nassau Hall, Princeton was the Capitol Building from June 30, 1783 to November 4, 1783. The structure was built in 1756 at a cost of £2,900 for the College of New Jersey. Originally the brick-paved halls extended one hundred and seventy-five feet of what was the largest stone structure in the Colonies. In November, 1776, the British took possession of the building and used it as barracks and hospital but were briefly ejected by George Washington during the Battle of Princeton. . After the war Nassau Hall, was found to be in great disrepair with “mostly bare partition walls and heaps of fallen plaster."[i] The federal government convened in Princeton after the President and Delegates were forced to flee Philadelphia in the summer of 1783 due to previously discussed mutiny of Continental Army troops. The troops had surrounded the Pennsylvania State House where both the United States Congress and the State Government were convening being held hostage by up to 300 troops. Ramsay writes of this little known mutiny and Congressional hostage situation:
The whole amounting to upwards of 300 men, marched with fixed bayonets and drums, to the statehouse, in which Congress and the supreme executive council of Pennsylvania held their sessions. They placed guards at every door, and sent in a written message to the President and Council of the state, and threatened to let loose an enraged soldiery upon them, if they were not gratified as to their demand within 20 minutes. The situation of Congress, though they were not the particular object of the soldiers' resentment, was far from being agreeable.[ii]
Word was immediately sent to Major General Arthur St. Clair and along with Alexander Hamilton they were able to reason with the men. President Boudinot and the Congressional members passed through the files of the mutineers without being molested. The committee, with Alexander Hamilton as chairman, waited on the State Executive Council to insure the Government of the United States protection so Congress could convene the following day. Elias Boudinot, however, received no pledge of protection by the Pennsylvania militia and ordered an adjournment of the United States in Congress Assembled on June 24th to Princeton, New Jersey. This was the last time the Confederation Congress would convene in Pennsylvania.
The United States in Congress Assembled first met first in the Prospect House while repairs were hastily made to Nassau Hall. It was here that President Boudinot first received the news that the Treaty of Paris was agreed to by the Peace Commissioners. The Treaty came about because John Jay decided to exclude France from the negotiations and took a hard stance with England on recognizing American Independence. Adams wrote in his diary of Jay’s resolve in the negotiations:
“That J. insists on having an exchange of full Powers, before he enters on Conference or Treaty. Refuses to treat with D'Aranda, until he has a Copy of his Full Powers. Refused to treat with Oswald, until he had a Commission to treat with the Commissioners of the United States of America. -- F. was afraid to insist upon it. Was afraid We should be obliged to treat without. Differed with J. Refused to sign a Letter &c. Vergennes wanted him to treat with D'Aranda, with out.” [iii]
Adams went on to record Jay’s, now jaded, feelings about the French and their involvement in the negotiations recording in his diary on November 5, 1782:
“Mr. Jay likes Frenchmen as little as Mr. Lee and Mr. Izard did. He says they are not a Moral People. They know not what it is. He don’t like any Frenchman. -- The Marquis de la Fayette is clever, but he is a Frenchman. -- Our Allies dont play fair, he told me. They were endeavouring to deprive Us of the Fishery, the Western Lands, and the Navigation of the Mississippi. They would even bargain with the English to deprive us of them. They want to play the Western Lands, Mississippi and whole Gulph of Mexico into the Hands of Spain.” [iv]
Adams wrote Abigail on November 8th of the Peace Commissioner’s success:
“The King of Great Britain, by a Commission under the great Seal of his Kingdom, has constituted Richard Oswald Esqr. his Commissioner to treat with the Ministers Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, and has given him full Powers which have been mutually exchanged. Thus G.B. has Shifted Suddenly about, and from persecuting Us with unrelenting Bowells, has unconditionally and unequivocally acknowledged Us a Sovereign State and independent Nation. It is surprizing that she should be the third Power to make this Acknowledgment. She has been negotiated into it, for Jay and I peremptorily refused to Speak or hear, before We were put upon an equal Foot. Franklin as usual would have taken the Advice of the C. [Comte] de V. [Vergennes] and treated, without, but nobody would join him.” [v]
Finally Adams wrote Foreign Secretary Livingston of the negotiations on November 21st:
“We live in critical moments. Parliament is to meet, and the King's speech will be delivered on the 26th. If the speech announces Mr. Oswald's commission, and the two houses, in their answers, thank him for issuing it, and there should be no change in the ministry, the prospect of peace will be flattering. Or, if there should be a change in the ministry, and the Duke of Portland, with Mr. Fox and Mr. Burke, should come in, it will be still more so. But if Richmond, Camden, Keppel, and Townshend should retire, and my Lord North and company come in, with or without the Earl of Shelburne, the appearances of peace will be very unpromising. My Lord North, indeed, cannot revoke the acknowledgment of our independence, and would not probably renounce the negociations for peace, but ill-will to us is so habitual to him and his master, that he would fall in earnestly with the wing-clipping system; join in attempts to deprive us of the fisheries and the Mississippi, and to fasten upon us the Tories, and in every other measure to cramp, stint, impoverish, and enfeeble us. Shelburne is not so orthodox as he should be, but North is a much greater heretic in American politics.
It deserves much consideration what course we should take in case the old ministry should come in whole or in part. It is certain, at present, that to be obnoxious to the Americans and their ministers is a very formidable popular cry against any minister or candidate for the ministry in England, for the nation is more generally for recovering the good-will of the Americans than they ever have been. Nothing would strike such a blow to any ministry as to break off the negotiations for peace; if the old ministry come in, they will demand terms of us at first, probably, that we can never agree to.
It is now eleven or twelve days since the last result of our conferences were laid before the ministry in London. Mr. Vaughan went off on Sunday noon, the 17th, so that he is no doubt before this time with my Lord Shelburne. He is possessed of an ample budget of arguments to convince his lordship that he ought to give up all the remaining points between us. Mr. Oswald's letters will suggest the same arguments in a different light, and Mr. Strachey, if he is disposed to do it, is able to enlarge upon them all in conversation.
The fundamental point of the sovereignty of the United States being settled in England, the only question now is, whether they shall pursue a contracted or a liberal, a good-natured or an ill-natured plan towards us. If they are generous, and allow us all we ask, it will be the better for them; if stingy, the worst. That France don't wish them to be very noble to us may be true. But we should be dupes, indeed, if we did not make use of every argument with them to show them that it is their interest to be so, and they will be the greatest bubbles of all if they should suffer themselves to be derived by their passions, or by any arts, to adopt an opposite tenor of conduct.” [vi]
There was also concern over the fate of the Tories in the negotiations. Jay’s own Governor, after he was elected:
“… persecuted, robbed, plundered, banished, and imprisoned, the unhappy loyalists at a great rate. His inveteracy, his rancour, and hatred to Great Britain and the Loyalists, he carried so far, that he has been heard to say, ‘that he had rather roast in hell to all eternity, than‘ consent to a dependence upon Great Britain, or ‘shew mercy to a damned Tory.’ [vii]
On Monday, November 25th the Commissioners heard from Stratchey and Oswald. Adams recorded in his diary:
“Dr. F., Mr. J. and myself at 11 met at Mr. Oswalds Lodgings. Mr. Stratchey told Us, he had been to London and waited personally on every one of the Kings Cabinet Council, and had communicated the last Propositions to them. They every one of them, unanimously condemned that respecting the Tories, so that that unhappy Affair stuck as he foresaw and foretold that it would.
The Affair of the Fishery too was somewhat altered. They could not admit Us to dry, on the Shores of Nova Scotia, nor to fish within three Leagues of the Coast, nor within fifteen Leagues of the Coast of Cape Breton.
The Boundary they did not approve. They thought it too extended, too vast a Country, but they would not make a difficulty.
That if these Terms were not admitted, the whole Affair must be thrown into Parliament, where every Man would be for insisting on Restitution, to the Refugees.
He talked about excepting a few by Name of the most obnoxious of the Refugees.”[viii]
In his diary, Adams continues recording the proposed changes to the Treaty and surprising details and concludes that day’s business writing:
“ Mr. Jay desired to know, whether Mr. Oswald had now Power to conclude and sign with Us? Stratchey said he had absolutely. Mr. Jay desired to know if the Propositions now delivered Us were their Ultimatum. Stratchey seemed loth to answer, but at last said No. -- We agreed these were good Signs of Sincerity.”[ix]
Negotiations continued in good faith and on November 30, 1782 Adams recorded:
“NOVEMBER 30 SATURDAY. ST. ANDREWS DAY: We met first at Mr. Jays, then at Mr. Oswalds, examined and compared the Treaties. Mr. Stratchey had left out the limitation of Time, the 12 Months, that the Refugees were allowed to reside in America, in order to recover their Estates if they could. Dr. Franklin said this was a Surprize upon Us. Mr. Jay said so too. We never had consented to leave it out, and they insisted upon putting it in, which was done. Mr. Laurens said there ought to be a Stipulation that the British Troops should carry off no Negroes or other American Property. We all agreed. Mr. Oswald consented. Then The Treaties were signed, sealed and delivered, and We all went out to Passy to dine with Dr. Franklin. Thus far has proceeded this great Affair.”[x]
When the news of the signed Preliminary Treaty was communicated to French Foreign Minister Vergennes, he wrote to Conrad Alexandre Gérard de Rayneval in England that the concessions of the English exceeded all that he had believed possible; Rayneval replied: "The treaty seems to me like a dream." [xi] The deed was done. Jay’s gamble of ignoring the orders of Congress and excluding France resulted in a remarkable Treaty for the United States. The ever remarkable Benjamin Franklin smoothed things over with the French Court, a new loan from France to America was secured marking an acceptance of the triumph secured by Jay and his fellow Commissioners. Alexander Hamilton wrote to Jay, after examining the Treaty:
“I have been witness with pleasure to every event which has had a tendency to advance you in the esteem of your country; and I may assure you with sincerity, that it is as high as you could possibly wish. All have united in the warmest approbation of your conduct. I cannot forbear telling you this, because my situation has given me access to the truth, and I gratify my friendship for you in communicating what cannot fail to gratify your sensibility.
The peace which exceeds in the goodness of its terms, the expectations of the most sanguine does the highest honor to those who made it. It is the more agreeable, as the time was come, when thinking men began to be seriously alarmed at the internal embarrassments and exhausted state of this country. The New England people talk of making you an annual fish-offering as an acknowledgement of your exertions for the participation of the fisheries.
We have now happily concluded the great work of independence, but much remains to be done to reap the fruits of it. Our prospects are not flattering. Every day proves the inefficacy of the present confederation, yet the common danger being removed, we are receding instead of advancing in a disposition to amend its defects. The road to popularity in each state is to inspire jealousies of the power of Congress, though nothing can be more apparent than that they have no power; and that for the want of it, the resources of the country during the war could not be drawn out, and we at this moment experience all the mischiefs of a bankrupt and ruined credit. It is to be hoped that when prejudice and folly have run themselves out of breath we may return to reason and correct our errors.
After having served in the field during the war, I have been making a short apprenticeship in Congress; but the evacuation of New York approaching, I am preparing to take leave of public life to enter into the practice of the law. Your country will continue to demand your services abroad.”[xii]
As can be imagined, the violation of the instructions of Congress greatly displeased a majority of the Delegates. Mr. Madison, who voted for the instruction, wrote: "In this business Jay has taken the lead, and proceeded to a length of which you can form little idea. Adams has followed with cordiality. Franklin has been dragged into it." [xiii] Mr. Sparks, in his "Life of Franklin," contends that the violation of their instructions by the American commissioners in concluding and signing their treaty without the concurrence of the French government was "unjustifiable."
[i] Collins, Varnum Lansing, Princeton, Oxford University Press, New York: 1914, page 82
[ii] Ramsay, David, The History of the American Revolution, page 416
[iii] Adams, John, John Adams Diary 35, 26 October - 17 November 1782. Folded sheets, first leaf serves as cover (22 pages). Original manuscript from the Adams Family Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society. Page 2
[iv] Ibid, page 10
[v] Adams, John. Letter from John Adams to Abigail Adams, 8 November 1782. 4 pages. Original manuscript from the Adams Family Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society
[vi] Wharton, Francis, ed, The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, John Adams to Robert Livingston, November 21, 1782.
[vii] Jones, Thomas, Floyd De Lancey, History of New York During the Revolutionary War: And of the Leading Events, New York Historical Society: 1879, pages 329-300
[viii] Adams, John. John Adams diary 37, 22 - 30 November 1782. Stitched sheets without covers (23 pages, 1 additional blank page). Original manuscript from the Adams Family Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society, page 3.
[ix] Ibid, page 7
[x] Ibid, page 17
[xi] Wilson, James Grant and John Fiske, Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography; D. Appleton and company, 1888, page 410
[xii] Smith, Paul H., ed. Letters of Delegates to Congress, Alexander Hamilton to John Jay, July 25. 1783
[xiii] Madison, James, The Papers of James Madison, J. & H. G. Langley, 1841, page 518
